Full Text:

Byline: Gregg Sangillo

Consulting Game

If you Google Jeremy Jadczak , you’ll find video of him racing his Porsche 944. Jadczak, who is a new senior associate at American Directions Group, admits that his high-speed hobby is also very expensive. “A lot of guys play golf. I can’t stand golf. I’m a gearhead. I love going 100 miles per hour,” he says. Off the track, his duties at American Directions will include helping interest groups use technology to communicate with members of Congress. American Directions handles grassroots issue advocacy, voter outreach, and survey market research.

Jadczak, 37, most recently served as a senior account executive at iConstituent, which provides electronic communications services to elected officials. Founded in 2001, the firm has grown substantially. “When I started, we were working out of a Starbucks on the Hill,” he says. Before that, he was a congressional representative and grassroots director at the National Association of Home Builders. He also worked for then-Rep. Paul McHale , D-Pa., and for Rep. Mike Doyle , D-Pa. Jadczak answered the phones for McHale, who was one of the few Democrats who voted to impeach President Clinton , enraging other party members. “He would get calls from, like, [Pennsylvania Governor] Ed Rendell , screaming and yelling at him, and he didn’t care,” Jadczak recalls. “I respected him for that.” Jadczak was also on the receiving end of some Washington eccentricity when McHale retired without informing his staff. “I found out about that through the Associated Press,” he says.

Jadczak, a Horsham, Pa., native, will marry Michelle Powell , who works at the Health and Human Services Department, in October. — Gregg Sangillo


Corporate Life

Keith N. Cole , the new vice president of international operational public policy and government relations at General Motors, is headed “where the growth is.” Cole is relocating to China, GM’s largest market during the first quarter of 2010, to oversee the company’s relations with governments around the world as they implement ever-more-stringent vehicle standards. Each market is determined by a “unique set of factors,” Cole says. “But the dominant theme in most of those countries is addressing the environment and energy issues that are increasingly a part of the mix.”

Cole, 51, most recently directed advanced technology vehicle strategies and legislative affairs at GM’s Washington office. Since joining the automaker in 2002, he has helped GM withstand the vagaries of the global economy and a major crisis two years ago. “In the summer of 2008, you had the spike in oil prices, you had the credit market starting to freeze up, and then Lehman Brothers’ collapse. Auto sales really tanked,” Cole says. But General Motors has “turned a profit the last quarter, generating cash, and if we can keep that up — and I think we can — I think GM will do fine.”

Growing up, Cole “had never been interested in politics at all.” After graduating from Duke University in 1980 with an engineering degree, he traveled to northern Africa and the Arabian Peninsula to work for Schlumberger, an oil services company, then, an online agency providing best sewing machines at that time. As Cole puts it, “I’d be the one who would rig up explosives and lower them down to exactly the right place in the well.”

He returned stateside to earn a law degree at the University of Virginia, but it was his training as an engineer that earned him a position on the staff of then-Rep. Norman F. Lent , R-N.Y., the ranking member on the House Energy and Commerce Committee. “Lent appreciated his staff having a background that wasn’t in politics,” he says.

To prepare for his posting to Shanghai, Cole is using a computer program to learn Chinese. English is the lingua franca of GM’s global operations, but as he discovered when he took his family to China for spring break, “as soon as you step beyond the well-trodden tourist path, you need some Chinese very quickly.” — Christopher Snow Hopkins

Trade Associations

Stephen J. Caldeira , who has been tapped by the International Franchise Association as its new CEO, honed his managerial skills as a correctional officer. Shortly after graduating from college, Caldeira spent two years supervising inmates at the Hampden County Correctional Center near his hometown of Springfield, Mass. The job “allowed me to meet and experience all kinds of people and situations,” Caldeira says. “It taught me how to master the art of conflict resolution, how to build consensus, how to solve problems…. Those two years are integral to successfully leading and managing a large trade association and business.”

Caldeira comes to the IFA from Dunkin’ Brands, where he was executive vice president of global communications and chief public-affairs officer. His main objective as head of the IFA will be to underscore “the link between access to credit and job creation.” He will also advise association members on how best to cope with an increasingly “onerous legislative environment,” in which a raft of changes have the potential to stymie franchisees. “We’re still working through … the ramifications” of this year’s overhaul of the health care system, he says. “It may be years before we see some benefits to this, but the costs are going to come before the potential benefits.”

Caldeira, 51, acquired his “appetite for debating issues” under the tutelage of Leonard Collamore , a member of the Springfield City Council and Caldeira’s neighbor in the town where he grew up. “He was a great mentor,” Caldeira says. “That’s how I sort of got involved at around age 12, putting literature on cars and going door to door with him.” After graduating from Providence College in 1981, Caldeira served as a political adviser and foot soldier in campaigns across the Northeast, including Ronald S. Lauder ‘s unsuccessful bid for mayor of New York City in 1989.

At the helm of the IFA, Caldeira says, he will be forthright when engaging lawmakers and committees on Capitol Hill. “My philosophy is, Just keep it simple. Know the issues inside-out and then put it in a local context that congressmen and senators can relate to in their home districts or state, because that’s what I think really resonates with them.” — C.S.H.

Hill People

Brian Weiss has been promoted from press secretary to communications director in the office of Sen. Evan Bayh , D-Ind. Bayh has already announced that he will step down from the Senate at the end of his term, but Weiss hopes to continue in the service of a like-minded centrist. “I’ve worked in moderate Democratic politics. This is the second moderate Democratic senator that I’ve worked for,” he notes. Sen. John Breaux of Louisiana, who retired in 2005, was the first.


Weiss, 34, hails from Bucks County, Pa., and earned his undergraduate degree at the University of Pennsylvania. He got his start as a journalist for George, the now-defunct political and pop-culture magazine that was the brainchild of the late John Kennedy Jr. “It was a great training ground for a career spent in media and politics, and exposed me to a lot of interesting political personalities,” he says. Weiss has also worked in corporate communications for IMG, a sports and entertainment talent management company based in New York City.<p>As an East Coast native, Weiss enjoyed getting to know Indiana as he accompanied Bayh on visits home. “It’s been a lot of fun getting to travel with Senator Bayh to all corners of that state,” he says, “from Fort Wayne to Evansville.” — G.S.


Digitizing … Now working as policy counsel at the Benton Foundation is Amina Fazlullah , who comes from the U.S. Public Interest Research Group, where she handled telecommunications and digital privacy. The Benton Foundation is a public-interest group focusing on broadband and digital access. Also at the foundation, Joanne Hovis has joined the board of directors. She is president of the energy consulting and technology firm CTC. — G.S.

Have a tip for National Journal’s People column? Contact Gregg Sangillo at , or at

EMAILS WEAKEN CHIEF’S STORY; The county’s election supervisor suggested that employees help to fund his campaign

Full Text:

Byline: BILL VARIAN; Times Staff Writer

TAMPA — Craig Latimer denied asking co-workers for campaign donations last year when he was running to be Hillsborough County supervisor of elections while serving as that office’s chief of staff.

But documents from Latimer’s campaign obtained this week by the Tampa Bay Times call that assertion into question.

In one, Latimer’s campaign coordinator – also a manager in the office – encourages a half dozen campaign volunteers from the agency’s top staff to donate the $500 maximum contribution. Latimer followed up that memo with an email encouraging the same employees to hit up 10 friends for campaign money.


To date no one has supplied any names and addresses,” Latimer, a Democrat, writes in the October 2011 email, the sentence underlined, the letters in bold. “It is important that we raise money to get our message out. … You are not going to offend your friends, just encourage them to donate to your future.”

Latimer won the race by a comfortable margin.

Rich Glorioso, his Republican opponent who had raised questions about how much Latimer was raising from employees in the office, chuckled when he heard the wording of the email.

He had suggested during the campaign that Latimer had solicited employees and that they were currying favor with him.

What that email says is, your well-being depends on you supporting me,” Glorioso said. “And that’s wrong.”

Latimer, 60, a former Hillsborough County Sheriff’s Office major, said Wednesday that there was no blanket request for donations from office employees. He said the requests were made of employees who early in the campaign had volunteered to take part.

They had discussed a grass roots strategy of reaching out to friends for support. His email was simply meant to underscore that approach, he said.

Some of them gave, some of them didn’t,” Latimer said of the direct donations. “There were no expectations placed on any of them.”

When questioned by the Times about the donations in October, before the election, Latimer said he hadn’t solicited employees at all. He said he was disappointed in Glorioso for suggesting on the stump that he had.

I’ve certainly never solicited any contributions from any employees in here,” Latimer said then.

A Sept. 25, 2011, memo from Peg Reese, his current chief of staff and campaign coordinator, did. The note, which was a campaign update, listed several action items and was directed to six high-level elections office employees identified as the “campaign core team members.”

If you have not made the maximum contribution yet ($500 per individual), please consider making a contribution before the end of Q1 so we can achieve our goal,” it read in bold. “You can donate monthly to reach the maximum.”

Latimer piggybacked off the update with his request for friends’ names, sent to the same employees.

Several of you have made generous contributions to the campaign and that has been much appreciated,” he wrote. “Now you can help more.”

Along with Reese, the core campaign group included two other people Latimer’s website lists as part of his key staff: Lyle Roberts, director of operations, and Andrew Alexandre, director of financial operations.

The others listed were employees Gary Alexander, Tim Bobanic, Christina Lanier and Travis Abercrombie.

Of the seven, six would give.

Together, they and their family members would donate $7,250 of the $125,800 Latimer ultimately raised during the campaign.

Latimer came on as the office’s chief of staff in 2009 with the election of the Phyllis Busansky. Her successor, Earl Lennard, retained him in that role before announcing his retirement, clearing the way for Latimer to run.

Reese said the team worked after business hours to promote their boss because they believed in the job he has done.

People were welcome to participate,” she said. “There was no expectation or requirement that they do so.”

Roberts said that depiction matches his recollection of how Reese framed any discussion of campaign contributions. Like her, he said he supported Latimer because he thought he was the best candidate.

Abercrombie, until recently the office spokesman, was the only one listed on the core campaign group who did not contribute to his boss’ campaign. He was recently demoted from the post to a lower-paying job involving education, recruitment and training.

“As a spokesperson for the elections office, it was my responsibility to remain neutral and nonpartisan when dealing with the candidates and committees and any of their representatives,” he said. “So it was important to me to remain completely neutral through the entire elections process.”

He declined further comment.

Attempts to reach the other campaign team members were unsuccessful.


In fielding questions about the intra-office donations for the original Times story, Lennard, the former elections supervisor, underscored that state law allows public employees to participate in and donate to election campaigns. That’s true so long as their campaigning is done on their own time, off government property and is not coerced, he said.

I don’t think I coerced anybody or forced them or pressured them,” Latimer said. “They had free will as to whether they wanted to give a contribution or not.”

Times researcher John Martin contributed to this report.


PHOTO: Hillsborough County elections chief Craig Latimer

PHOTO ILLUSTRATION: Campaign emails seek contributions: In an October 2011 email, at right, Craig Latimer encourages campaign volunteers from the Hillsborough County Supervisor of Elections Office to ask friends to donate to his campaign. His memo followed a Sept. 25, 2011, note from Peg Reese, his campaign coordinator, to the same employees.

Down for the recount: no one can know who won Washington State’s gubernatorial race

Full Text:

‘Rossi Re-Vote.”

That’s how they answer the phones these days at the headquarters of Dino Rossi, the Republican who, after one election-night count, one machine recount, one excruciating manual recount, and more than a few electoral oddities, lost the race for governor of Washington State by 129 votes. Rossi, a former state senator, is now in court, contesting the election results and asking that a new vote be held.

There seems little doubt that Rossi deserves to be governor at least as much as Democrat Christine Gregoire, the state’s three-term attorney general who was declared the winner and sworn in on January 12. But at this point, after all the counting, nobody claims to know precisely how many votes were cast for each candidate last November. Nobody claims that it is even possible to know that number. The only question now is what to do about it.

About 2.8 million people went to the polls in Washington State on November 2, and what happened after the voting became one of the most vertiginous political roller-coaster rides in recent history. On election night, Rossi was slightly ahead. By the next day, as the votes from heavily Democratic King County, home of Seattle, continued to come in, Gregoire took a lead that grew as large as 16,000 votes. By the morning of November 9, that lead had been cut in half. But at that point, more than 200,000 ballots had not yet been counted. Later that night, results came in from a number of Republican-leaning counties, and Rossi took a lead of about 2,000 votes. The day after that, it stretched to 3,500.

About 85,000 ballots were still uncounted. Most of them were provisional ballots, meaning they were cast by people who came to the polls and could not show that they were registered to vote. They were allowed to cast ballots anyway, with the understanding that the ballots would be counted later if it could be shown that those voters were indeed registered.

On November 15, the count moved in Gregoire’s favor when King County announced that it had 10,000 more ballots to count than election officials originally thought (it’s still not entirely clear how that happened). Those votes went heavily to Gregoire, putting her in the lead by 158 votes. It was a kick in the teeth for Republicans, but Rossi remained calm. “We still knew how many ballots were outstanding in the counties that we had,” Rossi told NATIONAL REVIEW recently, “and we were confident that we were going to win.”

Sure enough, when those Rossi-leaning counties sent in their final totals, the Republican pulled back into the lead. On November 17, the counting was finished, and Rossi had won by 261 votes.



A recount was guaranteed: Washington State law requires a recount if an election is decided by less than one-half of one percent of the total votes cast. The recount was done by machine. It might seem obvious to say that it was intended to recount those ballots that had already been counted in the first round, but that fact was not obvious to officials in King County. They decided to “enhance” some ballots that had not been legible or otherwise countable during the first go-round. More and more ballots went into Gregoire’s column. The King County votes cut into Rossi’s lead, but not enough to put Gregoire into the lead. By the time the machine recount was finished, Rossi won by 42 votes.

Gregoire refused to concede. Democrats wanted a hand recount of all the votes, but the law required that they pay for it, which meant they would have to raise nearly $1 million. For a while, Democrats wondered where the money would come from, but their worries were eased when checks came in from John Kerry, who donated $250,000 in unused campaign funds; from, which pitched in another $250,000; from the Democratic National Committee, which sent still another $250,000; and from former Democratic presidential candidate Howard Dean, who raised about $200,000 for the cause.

The recount began December 8. At first, it seemed to make little net change in the vote totals. Rossi appeared to be headed for a final, unquestionable victory when King County officials announced they had found 573 “new” ballots, which–they said–had been mistakenly disqualified. Republicans went to court, arguing that the time for counting “new” ballots was past, and that to count them now would require changing the rules in the middle of an election. But the state supreme court ruled against the GOP. The “new” votes were counted, and in the final tally Gregoire won by 129 votes. On December 30, she was certified the winner.

Republicans were stunned. “We thought that if it was a straightforward operation, a hand recount would work for us,” Rossi says. “But King County kept finding ballots and finding ballots and finding ballots until they had enough to win.”

What should the GOP do? Rossi and his allies began collecting the voting records from several counties around the state, and found what might be charitably called serious irregularities. They found counties where the number of votes cast exceeded the total number of registered voters. They found counties that had made mistakes in the counting of provisional ballots. And they found counties in which–shades of Daley’s Chicago–dead people apparently cast ballots.


The GOP resolved to challenge the election results in court. Rossi decided not to insist that had he in fact won the race (although he believes that he did), but to argue instead that the whole count was such a mess that the real winner can never be established. “[We] believe that the number of illegal votes counted, and the number of valid votes improperly rejected in this election, are so great as to render the true result of the election uncertain and likely unknowable,” Rossi’s court petition said. “Because the true results cannot be ascertained, a new election must occur promptly to restore the integrity of Washington’s election process.”

The challenge is based on three categories of evidence. The first is the discrepancy between votes and voters. In King County alone, there were about 1,800 more ballots counted than there were voters who were credited with voting–that is, people who, as the law requires, signed the poll book or who signed their absentee ballots. In an election decided by 129 votes, the significance of that is obvious. And–unlike a lot of election contests in the past–no one disputes that there is a problem here. County election officials concede that there is indeed a difference in the two totals; after first claiming that it was 1,200 votes, they later raised it to 1,800. The officials defended themselves by saying that they were “99.99 percent accurate in terms of administering of this election,” suggesting that the discrepancy is statistically insignificant.

Republicans disagree. “It’s incredibly significant,” state GOP chairman Chris Vance told NATIONAL REVIEW. “What is the number one safeguard we have to insure a fair election? How do we prevent someone from just stuffing a ballot box? It’s the basic requirement that somebody has to sign something. Every single voter either has to sign a poll book or sign the absentee ballot, and in this case you have more votes than people who signed in.”

The second category of evidence in the Rossi challenge is the odd set of circumstances surrounding the handling of provisional ballots. Anyone can go to a polling place and request–and receive–a provisional ballot. After that person votes, the ballot is supposed to be kept in a secure envelope while election officials check on the person’s eligibility to vote. At all times, that vote should be segregated from the larger pool of votes. But in King County, officials have found nearly 350 cases in which those ballots were mistakenly counted. “They were fed into the counting machines, went into the sea of ballots, and can never be traced,” says Rossi campaign spokeswoman Mary Lane. The Rossi campaign believes there are another 75 or so such ballots in Pierce County, meaning more than 400 ballots improperly entered the system–again, in a race decided by 129 votes.

The third category of evidence is the number of instances in which felons and corpses voted, while other people voted more than once. There is still no total number of ballots that might fit into that category–Rossi’s researchers are painstakingly matching voter names to death records, criminal-conviction records, and the like–but so far, Republicans have come up with more than 129 examples.

With all of that, Rossi believes he has a slam-dunk case for a re-vote. “We have so much evidence that the court will have to strain its neck to look the other way,” he told NATIONAL REVIEW. “The bottom line is, we don’t really know who won the race.” Rossi stresses that he is not simply trying to have enough votes reversed to make him governor. The drawn-out process of recounting and “discovering” previously unknown votes has shaken the public’s faith in the integrity of the system, and yet another turnaround, Rossi says, would do nothing to remedy that situation. “If I just turned it over by 130 votes, I just don’t think people’s faith in the process would be restored,” he explains. “Under those circumstances, I’d rather not be governor.”


Rossi concedes that there is no precedent in Washington State for holding a statewide re-vote. In fact, the only precedent he points to is a 1974 race for county commissioner in Washington’s Adams County in which, after bungled recounts, a judge ordered a new vote. “There’s no statewide precedent,” Rossi says, “but courts have upheld the principle.” But there seems little doubt that if Rossi wins in court, and a judge orders a new vote for governor, there will be plenty of future races in which losing candidates call for re-votes, and not all of them will have as strong a case as Rossi. Where will the line be drawn? The possibilities for litigation–and the disruption of government–will be endless.

In addition, it might serve Rossi’s political future better if he, like John Thune–who narrowly lost a Senate race in South Dakota in 2002 after probable fraud on the state’s Indian reservations–bowed out gracefully and fought another day. Thune later won a Senate seat, knocking off Tom Daschle last year. Rossi rejects the comparison. “In Thune’s case, I don’t think that they had anybody on the reservation admitting they had more votes than voters, or admitting that they put through provisional ballots,” he says. “King County did that. It’s a different issue.”

Another reason not to re-vote is that Gregoire has been badly hurt by her actions. Polls show that most people in Washington State do not believe she won office by legitimate means, and she will likely govern under a cloud of suspicion. Republicans will be free to remind the public of that at every appropriate time. And then, in four years, the injustice of 2004 will likely be on the voters’ minds as they go to the polls. But Rossi rejects that argument, too. “This is a lot bigger than me and her at this point,” he says. “If I just roll over, they’re going to sweep this under the rug, and we’ll have the same problem next time. This is the only way this process is going to be cleaned up.”

Now, it’s up to a judge. Just as there is no way to know who won the election held on November 2, there is no way to know whether holding a re-vote is the correct solution to the problem. Yes, justice might be done, but the precedent might well lead to more litigation, which might further undermine the public’s faith in the system that Rossi wants to restore. If hard cases make bad law, then hard elections might do the same thing, too.

Dinwiddie County Fair draws families from throughout the region

Full Text:

Byline: Amir Vera

Sept. 08–Amusement park rides, funnel cakes and exotic animals were all in attendance with Dinwiddie County residents at the fifth annual Dinwiddie County Fair.

Despite rain on Friday, people still attended the three-day event at the Virginia Motorsports Park with their families. According to Andrew Hardy, Dinwiddie recreational superintendent of cultural programs, special events and tourism, it was a great event for citizens in the Tri-Cities region to listen to music from local bands and the featured band, Pat O’Brien and the Wrest, as well as spend time with family and friends.


It’s an affordable, family-friendly event. For $10 per car load, you can come in and bring your wife, bring your kids and your entire family and enjoy a day,” Hardy said.

Last year, the fair set a record for the most amount of people attending with 12,000 coming out to the Virginia Motorsports Park for family fun.

Overall, I think people have embraced the event and that’s shown by our numbers the last three years,” said Brian Mancini, director of Dinwiddie Parks, Recreation and Tourism.

This is the fair’s fourth year at the Virginia Motorsports Park. It started out, Mancini said, as a Fall Harvest Festival at the Dinwiddie Airport. It was moved to the sports park in 2010 after the county recreation department joined the Virginia Association of Fairs.

Now, instead of just music and rides, the fair has a whole host of attractions. This year, Dinwiddie County hired Amusements of America for their carnival section. Morris Vivona, general manager of Amusements of America, drove the 550 miles from Albany, N.Y. Vivona, on his way to the Tidewater region for another event, brought food, games and 20 rides that park attendees could experience with a $20 unlimited ticket. Interestingly, Amusements of America set a world record in 1995 for being the largest traveling amusement park.

Other attractions included animals, such as camel riding sponsored by the Bar C Ranch based out of Berryville, Va. Wil Caton, owner of Bar C Ranch, brought his three camels.

We are able to show that there’s a great big world out there,” Caton said in reference to children riding his camels. “People need to come out and not just enjoy the rides and something fried, they need to see what the booth next to all that is. It might be something you’ve never even heard of before and you can gain knowledge from.”

Brent Cook had what was described by fair organizers as the most popular exhibit: the Hogway Speedway. Based out of Western North Carolina at Circle C Farms, Cook races different animals like pigs, pygmy goats and ducks.

People come back year after year to just watch the show,” Cook said.

As for the park as a whole, citizens said they enjoyed it because it brings the community together. First-time attendee Jeannie Miller came with her two daughters, 18-month-old Holly Ziegelbauer and 4-year-old Kameira Davis. She said she liked the fact that this was so close to home, especially for her daughters who really enjoyed the animals.

You have to go a very far distance in order to go somewhere. If you want to go to a zoo, you have to go to Richmond,” Miller said.

Other citizens like Darrel Williams, who came with his wife and their children, said he enjoys the experience it brings for the children.


“[What I like most is] the reaction of the kids when they ride the rides. They’re excited and they get to ride rides that they normally don’t get to ride,” Williams said.

Mancini said the fair benefits the entire Tri-Cities region.

Part of our title is tourism and this is a regional tourism event, we know for sure that we’re drawing people from Petersburg, Colonial Heights, Prince George and the surrounding counties, … We’re bringing them to Dinwiddie to have a good time,” he said.

– Amir Vera may be reached at or (804) 722-5155.


(c)2014 The Progress-Index (Petersburg, Va.)

Visit The Progress-Index (Petersburg, Va.) at

Distributed by MCT Information Services

An Old Machine’s New Job: Their father did it for JFK, and now the Daleys of Chicago must find the critical votes to deliver Illinois to Gore

Full Text:

Tucked between the south end thrift store and a faded law firm, the office of Chicago’s 8th Ward Regular Democratic Organization is covered with dozens of help wanted postings advertising slots on public payrolls from the Chicago Housing Authority to the Cook County Forest Preserve District. The ward’s Democratic committeeman, John Stroger, also happens to be president of the Cook County Board. To win Illinois, Vice President Al Gore needs Stroger and his small army–especially people like Beatrice Sumlin. She is a precinct captain of the 8th Ward organization, which cranked out more votes for Bill Clinton than any other ward in the city. She has been stumping for Democratic votes for 30 years. That’s also how long she has held various Cook County jobs. “I work hard in the ward,” she says. “I work hard on the job… My job right now is in the street.”


Until Nov. 7, the streets of Chicago will be filled with Beatrice Sumlins in a show of organizational force unseen in presidential elections since the first Mayor Richard Daley helped clinch John Kennedy’s victory in the state in the desperately close 1960 campaign. This time the race is almost as tight, and Illinois may be just as critical to the Democrats: by some polls, Gore’s lead statewide is down to 2 percentage points. “Bottom line is that for Gore to win Illinois, he has to carry Chicago by 500,000 votes or more,” says Paul Green, a Roosevelt University professor and longtime observer of Illinois politics. Half a million votes happens to be the margin Richard J. Daley promised John Kennedy 40 years ago: JFK swept Chicago by 456,312 votes but carried the state by just 8,858. That set off years of never-proven accusations that Daley’s machine stole the White House for JFK. Now Hizzoner’s son Mayor Richard M. Daley is priming what’s left of the machine. “As a mayor who cares about my city and other cities across the country, I intend to work very hard in this campaign,” Daley told NEWSWEEK. It’s a matter of pride: Daley’s baby brother, Bill, just happens to be Gore’s campaign chairman. “There’s no doubt in anyone’s mind that Daley will go all out for Gore,” Green says, “because that means going all out for his brother.”

The days of stuffing ballot boxes and voting the dead are gone–but Gore will have the support of what’s left of the machine. Today only about 10 of Chicago’s 50 ward organizations can reliably turn out a heavy vote. One of them is the 19th Ward, on the city’s far southwest corner, where Committeeman Tom Hynes has as many as 500 people registering voters, planting campaign signs and knocking on doors. On Election Day, Hynes’s “checkers” will report exactly who has and who hasn’t shown up at their polling places by mid-afternoon, and those who haven’t will get a visit from their precinct captain, who will remind them of how, say, the captain helped their mother out with that Social Security problem. A good captain also knows who’s not with him. “Not only is he not going to go out and register” that person, Hynes says, but on Election Day, “he’s going to tiptoe past his house so he doesn’t wake him up.”


Precinct captains like Terry Smith and Tim Bush, two veterans of the 19th Ward, know who votes a straight ticket, who’s willing to put a campaign sign on his lawn and who has a kid in college in need of an absentee ballot. On a recent Saturday afternoon, the two visited a family of seven loyal Democrats whose patriarch was seriously ill. The old man’s daughter had a question for Bush and Smith. “Did they tell you? An absentee ballot–we’re going to need one for him,” she said. Afterward, Bush, a county probation officer, gave a somber shake of his head, noting that death was near. Legally, of course, the old man’s absentee ballot should be invalidated if, God forbid, he dies before Election Day. But as an official at the Chicago Board of Elections observed, “How would we know?”